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Caspian Sea Region
The
Caspian Sea region is important to world markets because it has
large oil and gas reserves that are only now beginning to be fully
developed. Developing these resources has resulted in competition
both between companies to get the contracts to develop this potential,
and between nations to determine the final export routes.
The Caspian Sea region's oil and gas potential has attracted much
attention since the breakup of the Soviet Union. The nations in
the Caspian Sea region - Azerbaijan,
Iran,
Kazakstan,
Russia,
Turkmenistan,
and Uzbekistan
- are already major energy producers (Table 1), and production
will increase with additional investment, technology, and the
development of new export outlets. The Caspian Sea itself is so
large (700 miles north to south) that 6 different hydrocarbon
basins are under its waters (the Caspian Sea countries also have
additional onshore basins). Uzbekistan doesn't directly border
the Caspian Sea, but is considered to be in the Caspian region
not only because it shares several of the region's hydrocarbon
basins, but also because it's proposed oil and gas export routes
are also shared with the other Caspian countries.
Azerbaijan was the world's biggest oil-producing province in the
early 1900s. However, the former Soviet Union did not have the
technology to develop the Caspian's offshore oil and gas reserves,
and once the onshore Azerbaijani oil was developed, the Soviet
Union focused its resources elsewhere in onshore areas such as
the Volga-Urals region and West Siberia. Most of the oil and gas
reserves in the Caspian region (Table 2) have not been developed,
and many areas of the Caspian region remain unexplored. Most of
Azerbaijan's oil resources (proven as well as possible reserves)
are located offshore, and perhaps 30%-40% of the total oil resources
of Kazakstan and Turkmenistan are offshore as well. Proven oil
reserves for the entire Caspian Sea region are estimated at 15
- 29 billion barrels, comparable those in the United States (22
billion barrels) or the North Sea (17 billion barrels).
Proven natural gas reserves are even larger, accounting for over
2/3 of the proved hydrocarbon reserves in the Caspian Sea region.
Based upon proven reserves, Kazakstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan
each rank among the world's 20 largest natural gas countries.
Proven gas reserves in the Caspian region are estimated at 236
- 337 trillion cubic feet, comparable to North American reserves
(300 trillion cubic feet).
The prospect of potential huge hydrocarbon reserves is part of
the allure of the region. Most of the additional undiscovered
hydrocarbons likely to be of commercial significance - the possible
reserves - are oil, not gas. While this potential is not enough
to create another Middle East, the region's possible reserves
could yield another 163 billion barrels of oil if they become
proven. This is roughly equivalent to a quarter of the Middle
East's total proven reserves; however, the Middle East also has
its own vast possible reserves.
Possible gas reserves are as large as the proven reserves, and
could yield another 328 trillion cubic feet if proven. However,
these reserves are located far from potential markets in relatively
remote Turkmenistan, Kazakstan, and Uzbekistan. The distance from
potential markets and the relative lack of infrastructure to export
this gas have tempered interest in the region's gas potential.
The alternatives to exporting gas through the Russian pipeline
system are exporting through war-torn Afghanistan, through Iran
(where investment is limited by sanctions), or by building some
of the world's longest pipelines to markets in China and Europe.
Key issues in this region include: 1) legal issues concerning
ownership and development rights in the Caspian Sea; 2) regional
instability; 3) development of transnational export routes to
take oil and gas from the landlocked Caspian Sea region to world
markets; 4) the related issue of energy exports through the Bosporus
and into the Black Sea; and 5) Iranian sanctions and the role
of Iran.
New transportation routes will be necessary to carry Caspian oil
and gas to world markets. The existing pipelines in the Caspian
region were designed to link the Soviet Union internally, and
were routed through Russia. While the Caspian Sea countries are
linked by pipeline to each other, there is only one crude export
pipeline - the 200,000 barrels/day Atrau-Samara pipeline from
Kazakstan to Russia - that connects Caspian Sea oil production
to the Russian crude oil export pipeline system and world markets.
Russia has commercial and political interests in continuing to
be a major transshipment point for the Caspian's energy resources.
For this to happen, Russia must address commercial concerns regarding
reliability, security, competitive tariffs, and access. While
Russia has existing pipelines that are underutilized, these pipelines
do not have the capacity to absorb all of the oil and gas the
Caspian region could produce. An additional limitation is that
most existing oil export pipelines terminate at the Russian Black
Sea port of Novorosiisk, requiring tankers to transit the crowded
and ecologically and politically sensitive Bosporus in order to
gain access to the Mediterranean and world markets. Furthermore,
there is some question as to whether the Mediterranean is the
right place to send all of the forthcoming oil and gas from the
Caspian, as oil demand over the next 10-15 years in Europe is
expected to grow by little more than 1 million barrels per day.
However, oil exports eastward could serve Asian markets, where
demand for oil is expected to grow by 10 million barrels per day
over the next 10-15 years. Finally, there are political and security
questions as to whether the newly independent states of the former
Soviet Union should rely on Russia or any other country as its
sole export outlet. As a result, multiple routes for Caspian oil
and gas exports have been proposed (Tables 3 and 4, Figures 1
and 2).
How Much Oil Will be Exported from the Caspian Region?
In 1996, oil production in the Caspian region totaled 1 million
barrels/day, of which about 300,000 barrels/day, mostly from Kazakstan,
were exported. However, only about 140,000 barrels/day were exported
outside the former Soviet Union. Most of this was exported via
the Atrau-Samara pipeline from Kazakstan to Russia, but Kazkastan
also exported some crude oil via oil swaps with Iran. Kazakstan
currently ships 30,000 - 40,000 barrels of crude oil per day to
the Iranian port of Aqtau on the Caspian Sea using coastal barges
and small tankers. Iran uses the oil in its northern refineries
and exports an equivalent amount of its own oil from the Persian
Gulf on behalf of Kazakstan.
Oil exports will increase substantially as oil begins flowing
from two major joint ventures
currently underway in the Caspian region. The two projects - the
Azerbaijan International Oil Consortium (AIOC) in Azerbaijan and
the Tengizchevroil project in Kazakstan, as well as some smaller
ones currently underway, will help boost production to about 4
million barrels/day, and oil exports to about 3 million barrels/day
by the end of the next decade. With these increases, Caspian production
would represent about 4 percent of total world production of about
95 million barrels/day projected for the end of the next decade.
Rather than being another Middle East, the Caspian region would
more closely approximate the North Sea, where production levels
increased from 4 million barrels/day in the early 1990s to 6 million
barrels/day by 1997.
In what was described as "the deal of the century,"
the AIOC signed an $8 billion, 30-year contract in September 1994
to develop three Caspian fields -- Azeri, Chirag, and Guneshli
-- with total reserves estimated at 3-5 billion barrels. Oil production
is expected to reach 800,000 barrels per day by the end of the
next decade. The AIOC has not yet decided upon its main export
route for a 1 million barrel/day pipeline, but has decided that
"early oil" will begin flowing by end-1997 or early
1998 along two routes: 1) 100,000 barrels/day along the northern
route from Baku, Azerbaijan to the Russian Black Sea port of Novorosiisk;
and 2) 100,000 barrels/day along the western route from Baku to
the Georgian Black Sea port of Supsa.
In April 1993, Chevron concluded a historic $20 billion, 50/50
joint venture deal with Kazakstan to create the Tengizchevroil
joint venture to develop the Tengiz oil field, estimated to contain
6-9 billion barrels of oil. In April 1996, Mobil announced that
it had purchased from the Kazak government a 25% share in the
consortium developing Tengiz. Given adequate export outlets, Tengiz
can reach peak production of 750,000 b/d by 2010. Tengiz oil will
be exported by the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC), which will
export Tengiz oil to world markets via a 900-mile, $2.2 billion
oil export pipeline connecting to the Russian Black Sea port of
Novorosiisk. The pipeline is expected to be commissioned in 1999,
but not reach full capacity of 1.34 million barrels/day until
sometime in the next decade.
These CPC and AIOC pipelines will have a combined export capacity
of 2.5 million barrels/day, which will be sufficient for projects
currently underway. However, by 2020 additional production is
expected to be brought on-line, and new export capacity will need
to be built.
How Much Natural Gas Will be Exported from the Caspian Region?
Natural gas production in 1996 totaled 3.3 trillion cubic feet,
and gas exports totaled about 0.8 trillion cubic feet, mostly
from Turkmenistan. By 2010, production could reach 5 trillion
cubic feet of gas, with over 2 trillion cubic feet of exported
(mostly from Turkmenistan) - roughly what the Caspian region had
produced in 1990. While the Caspian's oil potential had been largely
ignored until after the collapse of the Soviet Union, its gas
resources had been extensively developed, and it was the collapse
of the Soviet Union that led to downturns in both production and
exports. The new republics that had been customers for Central
Asian gas have been unable to pay for these supplies, and until
new pipelines are built bypassing the old Soviet network exports
will remain low.
There is currently only one new gas export pipeline under construction
- a $190 million, 90-mile pipeline from Turkmenistan to Iran with
an initial capacity of 0.3 trillion cubic feet/year. Turkmenistan
has also signed a contract to export 100 billion cubic feet of
gas a year initially to Turkey,
but the volume could eventually grow to 1 trillion cubic feet
annually. This pipeline is widely expected to be built across
Iran. Construction of this pipeline would be problematic because
of Executive Orders signed in 1995 that prohibit U.S. companies
from conducting business with Iran, and the Iran and Libya Sanctions
Act of 1996 that imposes sanctions on non-U.S. companies that
make large investments in the Iranian oil and gas sectors.
Other Options for Oil and Gas Export Routes
To China
- Exxon, Mitsubishi, and China National Petroleum agreed to
study the idea of building the world's largest natural gas pipeline
from Turkmenistan and Kazakstan to the Chinese coast, and perhaps
continuing onwards to Japan. Another proposal would build an oil
pipeline to China from Central Asia as well. This pipeline faces
numerous financial and technical difficulties, and is not likely
to be built in the near-term.
Cross-Caspian Pipelines - Proposals have been made to bring
oil and gas from Kazakstan and Turkmenistan across the Caspian
in order to avoid crossing Iranian or Russian territory. These
proposals would most likely be seriously considered after the
first main export pipelines are completed, since the cross-Caspian
pipelines would connect with those pipelines. However, Caspian
Sea legal and environmental issues need to be settled first, which
requires that all Caspian countries cooperate on these issues.
Eventually, the cross-Caspian pipelines could be connected on
the east with export routes flowing eastward as well.
To Europe via Russia - The existing Russian gas system
could be expanded to allow Central Asian gas exports to enter
the Russian pipeline system to bring gas to Europe. Turkey could
be served by using an existing Russian gas pipeline to Georgia
and building a new pipeline from Georgia to Turkey.
To Iran and the Persian Gulf - Several proposals have been
made to export Caspian oil via pipelines through Iran en route
to the Persian Gulf. These pipelines are not likely to be built
as long as the United States has sanctions against aid to Iran's
oil and gas industries.
To Pakistan via Afghanistan
- Turkmenistan signed a memorandum of understanding with Afghanistan
and Pakistan to build a pipeline to carry natural gas to Pakistan
via Afghanistan. These three countries plus Uzbekistan also signed
a memorandum of understanding to build an oil pipeline to Pakistan,
with the two pipelines sharing a common right-of-way for a portion
of the route. However, the ongoing civil war in Afghanistan has
prevented the project from going forward. While all of the major
Afghani factions have agreed in principle to the construction
of the pipelines, without a peace settlement the pipelines are
unlikely to attract the necessary financing. In October 1997,
a tripartite commission comprising the Islamic State of Afghanistan,
Turkmenistan, and Pakistan was formed to start work on building
this pipeline.
To Turkey - The Turkish port of Ceyhan is one of several
oil export destinations being considered for the main export route
for the Caspian Pipeline Consortium. Turkey is also looking for
gas supplies in addition to the earlier-referenced deal to import
natural gas from Turkmenistan via a pipeline that will likely
cross Iran. The proposed cross-Caspian pipelines originating in
Kazakstan or Turkmenistan could be extended to pass through Armenia
or Georgia
en route to Turkey.
Legal questions have slowed but not stopped development in the
Caspian region. Legal issues surrounding the Caspian Sea's resources
revolve around whether development rights are governed by treaties
signed between the former Soviet Union and Iran (which did not
establish seabed boundaries or discuss oil and gas exploration),
and whether the Caspian is a body of water affected by the Law
of the Sea (inland lakes are not covered by this law). If the
Law of the Sea convention were applied to the Caspian Sea, full
maritime boundaries of the five littoral states bordering the
Caspian would be established based upon the equidistant division
of the sea and undersea resources into national sectors. If the
Law were not applied, the Caspian and its resources could be developed
jointly.
The Russians have argued that neither the Law of the Sea
nor its precedents apply because the Caspian is an enclosed sea.
In December 1996, Russia called for joint navigation rights, joint
management of fisheries and environmental protection, and the
establishment of an interstate committee of all boundary states
to license exploration in a joint-use zone in the center of the
Caspian beyond a 45 nautical mile exclusive national zone, and
a joint corporation of these states to exploit these resources.
Iran has backed Russia's claim that regional treaties signed
in 1921 and 1940 are valid, implying that all Caspian littoral
states must approve any offshore oil developments. Iran's support
of Russian proposals for joint development could pose a problem
for U.S. firms under Presidential Executive Orders which impose
an embargo on trade and investment with Iran.
Azerbaijan has rejected this view, believing that boundaries
were formalized under the Soviet Union. Azerbaijan has called
for the Law of the Sea to be applied, and has advocated the establishment
of maritime boundaries into national sectors based on the equidistant
division of the sea. Boundaries would follow those established
and recognized under the Soviet Union to delineate republic sectors
for oil exploration and development.
Kazakstan has supported Azerbaijan's view for the establishment
of national sectors, but has stated that cooperation on the environment,
fishing, and navigation would be beneficial.
Turkmenistan's position is still evolving. It initially
supported Russia's proposal for a 45- mile nautical zone at a
November 1996 meeting in Ashgabat of the foreign ministers from
the five littoral states. At that meeting, Turkmenistan signed
a protocol with Iran and Russia to develop a joint-stock company
to develop the energy resources in the national zones of the three
countries. However, it has changed its position since then . In
February 1997, the presidents of Turkmenistan and Kazakstan signed
a statement calling for a division of the Caspian Sea based upon
Soviet-era divisions until the littoral states agreed upon a new
status for the Caspian. Turkmenistan's position changed again
after a dispute with Azerbaijan over a field called Kyapaz by
Azerbaijan and Serdar by Turkmenistan. Azerbaijan reached a preliminary
agreement to develop this field in July, and Turkmenistan laid
claim to it by including it as part of its Block 30 licensing
in September. Oil Minister Batyr Sardjaev stated Turkmenistan's
position: "We have decided we have to divide the Caspian
on the principle of the median line". However, a final resolution
of the Caspian issues has not yet been made.
The United States supports the principle that the resolution
of the legal status of the Caspian Sea must be decided by the
five littoral states. However, the United States would not favor
any resolution that precludes American company involvement because
of Iranian involvement.
Development of the oil and gas resources and export routes has
been slowed by regional conflict, political instability, and lack
of regional cooperation. Many of the proposed export routes pass
through areas where conflicts remain unresolved. Most of these
are in the Transcaucasus part of the Caspian region, where conflicts
in Georgia,
the Chechnya portion of Russia, and between Armenia
and Azerbaijan,
hinder the development of export routes westward from the Caspian.
In addition, a civil war outside the Caspian region in Afghanistan
has hindered exports eastward.
Armenia-Azerbaijan The western route for early oil from
Azerbaijan passes just north of the breakaway Azeri region of
Nagorno-Karabakh. Populated by ethnic Armenians, Nagorno-Karabakh
had been an autonomous region under Soviet rule. Soon after Azerbaijan's
independence in 1991, Armenian separatists declared control of
an area equal to about 20 percent of Azerbaijan's territory. A
Russian-mediated ceasefire has been in place since May 1994, and
Russia, the United States, and France have tried to bring the
sides closer together. Azeri President Aliyev has offered to route
an oil pipeline through Armenia en route to Turkey, which would
give Armenia transit revenues from the pipeline, in exchange for
Armenian withdrawal from the occupied territories. Armenia has
refused, and serious consideration of pipelines running from Azerbaijan
through Armenia to the west remains unlikely as long as the conflict
remains unresolved; skirmishes still flare along the Armenian
border with Azerbaijan.
Relationships between Russia and Azerbaijan were strained when
it became known that Russia shipped over $1 billion of arms to
Armenia from 1993 to 1995. In the meantime, Armenia and Russia
signed an updated friendship treaty at the end of the summer,
as well as a deal to create a joint venture with Gazprom of Russia
to supply Armenia with natural gas. Armenia's fuel supplies had
been constrained by the Azeri blockade that followed the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict. Following the imposition of that blockade, the United
States passed section 907 of the Freedom Support Act in October
1992, which restricts U.S. government assistance to Azerbaijan
until Azerbaijan has taken "demonstrable steps to cease all
blockades and other offensive uses of force against Armenia and
Nagorno-Karabakh".
Georgia The western route for early oil from Azerbaijan
goes to the Georgian port of Baku on the Black Sea, and other
proposed pipeline routes also pass through Georgia. Georgian President
Shevardnaze narrowly escaped an assassination attempt on August
29, 1995, and President Shevardnaze expressed his belief that
it may have been related to disputes over construction of an oil
pipeline through Georgian territory. The proposed pipeline routes
pass near several regions of Georgia that had been the site of
separatist struggles, such as Abkhazia (northwest Georgia) and
Ossetia (north central Georgia). Abkhazia won a civil war with
Georgia in 1992-1993 with military backing from Russia, and has
demanded to be a sovereign republic with minimal ties to Georgia.
Georgia has expressed a willingness to grant Abkhazia some autonomy.
Talks have continued to resolve the standoff, including proposals
to route future oil pipelines across the rebel region, on the
premise that economic cooperation could help bring peace to the
region.
Russia/Chechnya The northern route for early oil from Azerbaijan
passes for 80 miles through the breakaway Russian republic of
Chechnya en route to the Black Sea port of Novorosiisk. Russian
troops entered Chechnya in December 1994, and after almost 2 years
of fighting, a peace agreement was reached. As part of that agreement,
resolution of Chechnya's call for independence was postponed for
up to 5 years. The peace agreement cleared the way for the July
1997 tripartite agreement between Azerbaijan, Chechnya, and Russia
on early oil exports from Azerbaijan. While the deal allowed necessary
repairs to begin on the existing oil pipeline, it did not settle
the issues of regional security and pipeline tariffs. Chechnya
and Russian transport company, Transneft, have been deadlocked
over the issue of tariffs, with Chechnya demanding much higher
rates - as much as $6 out of the $15.67 per ton tariff that Transneft
will charge for pumping Azeri crude to the Black Sea. Chechen
officials have also demanded war reparations from Russia totaling
$1,500 trillion roubles (roughly $250 billion). Deadlocks over
negotiations have prompted Russia to announce that it will simultaneously
build another pipeline from Azerbaijan to Novorosissk that will
bypass Chechnya. The proposed alternative pipeline would pass
along the Chechen border in the southern Russian republic of Dagestan,
and then go on towards the Stavropol region, ending at Terskoye
in North Ossetia.
Afghanistan A memorandum of understanding has been signed
to build a 900-mile natural gas pipeline stretching from Turkmenistan
to Pakistan
via Afghanistan.
This eastward route, along with one to China, is one of the few
alternatives to exporting Turkmeni gas through Iran. However,
war-torn Afghanistan continues to experience new upheavals, and
in the absence of a stable government in Afghanistan, it may be
years before the project is feasible.
Many of the proposed export routes from the Caspian region pass
westwards through the Black Sea and the Bosporus
en route to the Mediterrean Sea and world markets. The ports of
the Black Sea, along with those in the Baltic Sea, were the primary
oil export routes of the former Soviet Union, and the Black Sea
remains the largest outlet for Russian oil exports.
Exports through the Bosporus have grown since the breakup of the
Soviet Union in 1991, and there is growing concern that projected
Caspian Sea export volumes exceed the ability of the Bosporus
to accommodate the tanker traffic. Turkey
is concerned that that the projected increase in large oil tankers
would pose a serious navigational safety and environmental threats
to the Bosporus. These concerns are recognized in customary international
law and reflected in the Law of the Sea Convention.
The introduction of a modern navigation system could improve the
safety and operation of the Bosporus. However, export routes which
bypass the Bosporus will eventually have to carry most of the
Caspian oil exports. To resolve the anticipated problems in the
Bosporus, Turkey has proposed the construction of a pipeline from
the Caspian region to the port of Ceyhan on Turkey's Mediterranean
coast.
Alternate plans have included exporting oil via the Black Sea
but bypassing the Bosporus. In January 1997, Greece
agreed with Bulgaria and Russia on a plan to build a 200-mile-long
oil pipeline linking the Bulgarian port of Burgas on the Black
Sea with Alexandroupolis on the Mediterranean coast of Greece.
Other proposed export routes bypass the Bosporus and Mediterranean
region altogether.
President Clinton signed Executive Orders in 1995 that prohibit
U.S. companies and their foreign subsidiaries from conducting
business with Iran
and Libya.
In August 1996, President Clinton signed the Iran and Libya Sanctions
Act of 1996. This legislation imposes sanctions on non-U.S. companies
which invest more than $40 million annually in the Iranian and
Libyan oil and gas sectors. The maximum investment allowable dropped
to $20 million one year after enactment for countries not undertaking
measures to inhibit Iran's actions in supporting international
terrorism and pursuit of weapons of mass destruction. The Act
requires that sanctions be imposed for a minimum of 2 years. These
prohibitions in the Act and Executive Orders would likely apply
to any joint-use arrangements in the Caspian Sea, including the
Iranian sector of the Caspian Sea.
The U.S. State Department decided in July 1997 that proposed exports
of natural gas from Turkmenistan to Turkey via Iran do not technically
violate the law. However, the U.S. position could change if a
memorandum of understanding to build an export pipeline across
Iran results in a construction contract with more than $20 million
of outside investment.
| Azerbaijan | ||||||
| Iran* | ||||||
| Kazakstan | ||||||
| Russia* | ||||||
| Turkmenistan | ||||||
| Uzbekistan | ||||||
| Total |
*only the regions near the Caspian are included
BBL = billion barrels, Tcf = trillion cubic feet
| Azerbaijan | ||||
| Kazakstan | ||||
| Turkmenistan | ||||
| Uzbekistan | ||||
| Iran* | ||||
| Russia** | ||||
| Total |
*only the regions near the Caspian are included
** includes these regions bordering the Caspian Sea: Astrakhan, Kalmyk Republic, Dagestan, and Stavropol Kray
| Azerbaijan | ||||
| Kazakstan | ||||
| Turkmenistan | ||||
| Uzbekistan | ||||
| Iran* | ||||
| Russia* | ||||
| Total |
*only the regions near the Caspian are included
| AIOC - Main Export Pipeline | multiple routes considered from Baku (Azerbaijan) | 1 million barrels/day | 1100 miles if to Ceyhan, Turkey | $3.3 billion if to Ceyhan, Turkey | Final Route Selection |
| AIOC - Early Oil Western Route | Baku (Azerbaijan) -
Supsa (Georgia) | 0.1 million barrels/day | 550 miles | $290 million | Exports begin late 1998 |
| AIOC - Early Oil Northern Route | Baku (Azerbaijan) - Novorossisk (Russia) via Chechnya | 0.1 million barrels/day | 868 miles; 90 miles are in Chechnya | $2.4 billion repairs to Chechen line | Exports begin late 1997 - early 1998 |
| Northern Route Early Oil - Chechnya bypass | Azerbaijan/Russia border - Terskoye (Russia) via Dagestan | N/A | 176 miles | $220 million | Announced 9/97; tender planned |
| Caspian Pipeline Consortium | Tengiz (Kazakstan) - Novorossisk (Russia) | 1.34 million barrels/day peak | 930 miles | $2.2 billion | Flows 1999; peak early next decade |
| Cross - Caspian | Tengiz-Baku or Turkmenbashi-Baku | 0.4- 0.5 million barrels/day | underwater 370 miles or 190 miles | $2.5 - $3.0 billion | Feasibility Study |
| Kazakstan - China (may extend to Turkmenistan & Uzbekistan) | Aktyubinsk (Kazakstan) - Xinjiang (China) | 0.4 million barrels/day, rising to 0.8 million barrels/day | 1,800 miles | $3.5 billion | Signed Agreement |
| Turkmenistan - Afghanistan - Pakistan (may extend to Uzbekistan) | Charjou (Turkmenistan) - Gwadar (Pakistan) | 1 million barrels/day | 1,000 miles | $2.5 billion | Memorandum Understanding for this Central Asia Oil Pipeline Segment |
| Turkmenistan - Persian Gulf (may extend to Kazakstan) | Turkmenbashi (Turkmenistan) - Kharg Island (Iran) | 0.2 - 0.4 million barrels/day | 930 miles | $1.5 billion | Proposed |
| Cross - Caspian | Turkmenbashi (Turkmenistan) -Baku (Azerbaijan) | N/A | N/A | N/A | Proposed |
| Turkmenistan - Uzbekistan - Kazakstan - Russia - Europe | multiple routes considered from Turkmenbashi (Turkmenistan) | N/A | N/A | N/A | Proposed expansion of existing system |
| Turkmenistan - Iran | Ekarem (Turkmenistan) - Iranian border | 283 billion cubic feet/year 2005; 530 billion cubic feet/year 2020 | 90 miles | $190 million | Exports begin late 1997 - early 1998 |
| Turkmenistan - Iran - Turkey | Ekarem (Turkmenistan - Tabriz (Iran) - Ankara (Turkey) | 1 trillion cubic feet/year | 1,350 miles | $3.1 - $3.8 billion | Signed agreement for exports |
| Turkmenistan - Uzbekistan - Kazakstan - China - Japan | Dauletad Field (Turkmenistan) - Xinjiang (China) - Japan | 0.7 - 1 trillion cubic feet/year | 3,800 miles China; 5,000 miles Japan | $12 billion China; $23 billion Japan | Preliminary feasibility study |
| Turkmenistan - Afghanistan - Pakistan
(may extend to Uzbekistan) | Dauletad or Yashlar Fields (Turkmenistan) - Sui (Pakistan) | 700 billion cubic feet/year | 900 miles | $2 - $2.5 billion | Memorandum Understanding with the 3 countries & Uzbekistan |

Figure 2. Existing and Potential Oil and Gas Export
Routes from the Caspian Basin

For more information on the Caspian Sea Countries, see these other
sources on the EIA web site:
Links to specific Country Analysis Briefs for Caspian Sea countries:
Azerbaijan
Iran
Kazakstan
Russia
Turkmenistan
Uzbekistan
Links to other Sites:
United States Information Agency - U.S. Policy towards Iran
BISNIS - the Department of Commerce's Business Information Service for the Newly Independent States
The following links are provided solely as a service to our customers, and therefore should not be construed as advocating or reflecting any position of the Energy Information Administration (EIA) or the United States Government. In addition, EIA does not guarantee the content or accuracy of any information presented in linked sites.
United Nations - Oceans and Law of the Sea
Christian Science Monitor - Caspian Journey
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File last modified: October 29, 1997
Contact:
Erik Kreil
ekreil@eia.doe.gov
Phone: (202)586-6573
Fax: (202)586-9753
URL: http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/cabs/caspian.htm